By Emilye Crosby
During this long term group research of the liberty circulate in rural, majority-black Claiborne County, Mississippi, Emilye Crosby explores the effect of the African American freedom fight on small groups often and questions universal assumptions which are in line with the nationwide move. The felony successes on the nationwide point within the mid Sixties didn't finish the circulation, Crosby contends, yet really emboldened humans around the South to start up waves of latest activities round neighborhood concerns. Escalating assertiveness and calls for of African Americans--including the truth of armed self-defense--were serious to making sure significant neighborhood swap to a remarkably resilient approach of white supremacy. In Claiborne County, a powerful boycott ultimately led the best courtroom to verify the legality of financial boycotts for political protest. NAACP chief Charles Evers (brother of Medgar) controlled to earn doubtless contradictory help from the nationwide NAACP, the segregationist Sovereignty fee, and white liberals. learning either black activists and the white competition, Crosby employs conventional assets and greater than a hundred oral histories to investigate the political and monetary matters within the postmovement interval, the influence of the circulate and the resilience of white supremacy, and the methods those matters are heavily attached to competing histories of the group.
Read or Download A Little Taste of Freedom: The Black Freedom Struggle in Claiborne County, Mississippi (The John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture) PDF
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Extra info for A Little Taste of Freedom: The Black Freedom Struggle in Claiborne County, Mississippi (The John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture)
Applicants had to submit an application to the local supervisor and county committee (all of whom were white) and provide recommendations from three (white) businessmen. ’ ’’∑ The oppressive nature of white supremacy was evident in some of the widespread black skepticism about the program. Some believed that participants would not be allowed to do things like sell eggs or go to town. Neither of these beliefs had any basis in the program’s guidelines; instead, they reflected common experiences. Skeptics warned purchasers that they would never be able to pay o√ the loans, and one person compared moving onto government land to moving into slavery.
The sheri√ made good on his threats, arresting two people for vagrancy before releasing them to work. He arrested another six for gambling, and, according to the Reveille, one of them quickly returned to the factory job that he had ‘‘deserted’’ the week before. A few months later, the sheri√ published a notice in the paper: ‘‘Claiborne County farmers need labor to pick their cotton, therefore all persons able to work, should assist in this vital farm activity. Labor is very scarce, but we must get the cotton crop gathered.
According to Katie Ellis, ‘‘Everybody was talking that we’ll never pay for it. ‘Oh, you under bondage, you’ll never get out of debt. ’ ’’ These comments, too, reflected typical tenant experiences of inequitable settlements and unending debt. ∏ It was also di≈cult for blacks to escape the widespread belief that white planters took care of their sharecroppers. James Dorsey remembered that landlords would tell tenants, ‘‘I’m treating you better than the government will. ’’ Annie Holloway confronted this issue when her husband expressed reservations about leaving sharecropping.
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